Podbean audio podcast introduction Episode 68
Vimeo video introduction Episode 68
Episode 68. January 26, 2021
CLP Topic: The Democratic Republic of America.
Politics Beyond Trump: Conservative Politics After Biden’s Illegitimate Transition of Power.
Our podcast today is titled, Politics Beyond Trump: Conservative Politics After Biden’s Illegitimate Transition of Power. I am Laurie Thomas Vass, and this podcast is a copyrighted production of the CLP News Network for January 26, 2021.
We begin our podcast about conservative politics, after Biden’s illegitimate transfer of power, with a review of Ann Coulter’s recent article about Trump, in order to make our argument that a new type of conservative politics is required that focuses on promoting liberty.
Our intent in using Coulter as the starting point is to make our argument that Trump voters must move beyond Trump in order to deal with the arrival of a Marxist totalitarian regime.
The new politics is not about electing Republicans.
The new politics is about conservatives adopting the tactics of the Marxists in order to take back the legitimate power that was stolen from them, and to vanquish the Marxists with their own petard.
Ordinary, normal, two-party politics ended November 3, 2020, and that part of American history is over. A new type of more aggressive, confrontational, and ideological class war politics is required to engage the Marxists on the field of battle.
Biden is not a legitimate President, but the propaganda media is intent on promoting the totalitarian fantasy that there was no election fraud.
The false narrative of the Marxists is intended to demonize Trump voters as domestic terrorists.
Just like Maduro in Venezuela, Biden was selected by the deep state, installed by the deep state, and the deep state will eliminate any opposition to the totalitarian regime.
The new politics in America calls for a different type of political strategy, and a different type of leader than Trump.
Coulter drives home the point that Trump did not have the right stuff to defend liberty from Marxism because of his personality defects.
We agree with Coulter that Trump bears responsibility for the way the FUSA ended in an inadequate defense of liberty. We extend Coulter’s analysis to argue that Trump does not have the right skills to confront the Marxist regime.
The mistake in judgment that Trump voters made about Trump, in 2016, is to equate his policies of MAGA, with the defense of the ideology of liberty.
Trump voters liked a political leader who counter-punched when he was hit, but waited in vain to see Trump offer a coherent strategy for defeating the Marxists.
Trump never invoked the western heritage of Locke, Jefferson, and J. S. Mill, in the defense of liberty because MAGA is a set of policy options, not a coherent ideology of liberty.
Trump failed to mobilize Federal agents to protect the voting process. His mental image of two-party political competition is stuck in the 1950s, frozen in time by the idea of the shared cultural value of American greatness.
After Trump, and because of the way Trump governed, Trump voters are now in a more vulnerable and precarious position to fight back against the Marxists, because Trump did not protect their right to vote.
We argue that Trump voters must disengage themselves from a cult of personality of Trump, and become a middle class political movement that promotes liberty.
We argue elsewhere that Trump voters must begin to develop a class consciousness as a lower class-middle class populist political movement. (Vass, Laurie Thomas, The Emerging Social Class Consciousness of American Working and Middle Class Citizens (November 6, 2020). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3726111).
The emergence of that class consciousness is thwarted by Trump’s continuing self-indulged presence on the public relations stage.
The new liberty political movement needs a new leader, like Sydney Powell, who has a better grasp of the strategy for defeating the ideological enemy that has seized illegitimate power.
In the absence of offering a coherent ideology of liberty, we agree with Coulter that Trump’s continuing public relations personae, after January 20, 2021, turns the Trump movement into a one-man cult of personality, with no coherent political principles of government.
As Coulter writes,
“Give up the cult of personality, Trumpsters, or at least find someone with a better personality.”
The Trump cult is a political movement that is devoid of ideology because it is all about Trump, the man, not about halting the transition of illegitimate power to an unelected Marxist regime.
As Coulter points out,
“The reason Trump was a lazy, feckless coward for the past four years was that, once it got him elected, he didn’t see how the MAGA agenda did anything for him. And the reason he became a whirling dervish of demagogic activity last week was that it was all about him.”
Trump can easily squander the political potential of 75 million voters on his self-indulged, narcissistic personality by continuing to hint at a future run, as a Republican, in 2024.
A majority of Republicans still support Trump, including 57% who said they believe he should be the party’s nominee in 2024.
Trump would do those voters, and the cause of liberty, a great service, if he would renounce his future electoral ambitions, especially as a member of a dead political party of Republicans who hate him.
The Trump voter database of 75 million contacts and donors is vital information for creating a new political movement, dedicated to preserving liberty and defeating the Marxists.
Trump can accept responsibility for his failure to defeat the deep state and make a lasting contribution to liberty by making a legitimate transfer of leadership of former Trump voters, to a new political party, in the context of an illegitimate transfer of power to a Marxist dictatorship.
Conservative politics, beyond Trump, is a more aggressive, confrontational defense of liberty, along 3 avenues. All of the defenses of liberty involve the deployment of Marxist class war, and Marxist strategies, to vanquish the Marxists.
First, the new politics correctly identifies the enemies of liberty as the entire American kleptocracy. (Vass, Laurie Thomas, The American Left’s Emerging Social Class Consciousness of Envy In Collusion With the Existing American Ruling Class Consciousness of Greed. CLP News Network. https://bit.ly/3c2hvMN).
Second, politics, after Trump, is an aggressive defense of the American heritage of racial and economic equality of American capitalism, against the Marxist claim of American white supremacy.
Finally, the new politics, after Trump borrows from the Democrat Marxist playbook of the effective use of political violence to obtain political ends. (Vass, Laurie Thomas, The Democrat’s Rhetoric of Violence and the Collapse of the American Representative Republic. CLP News Network. https://bit.ly/3c1e9tx).
Trump’s political style was ineffective in promoting these three political values, while he was President, and nothing about Trump’s narcissism suggests that he would be a better leader in the future.
The 75 million Trump voters need to move beyond Trump, and begin seeing themselves as citizen patriots in the restoration of American liberty in a confrontation with Marxist Democrats.
Trump needs to begin seeing Trump voters as something other than his adoring fans.
I am Laurie Thomas Vass, and this podcast is the introduction of a much longer written article, available for free, at the CLP News Network.
The sections of the longer article are:
Section 1. The Politics of the American Marxist Kleptocracy.
Section 2. The Politics of Class and Race Hatred.
Section 3. Replicating the Democrat’s Effective Political Use of Violence.
Conclusion: The Spirit of Liberty.
Section 1. The Politics of the American Marxist Kleptocracy.
We argue that Madison’s representative republic ended on November 3, 2020, and that the former Constitution can never be rehabilitated.
We cite Roger Kimball, in his article, A Party of Faction and Fantasy (2021) that the republic ended and was replaced by an oligarchy.
“There are many lessons to be drawn from the 2020 election. The transformation of the United States of America from a republic into an oligarchy is a large and portentous lesson.”
His term “oligarchy” closely follows the analysis of Angelo Codevilla, and William Domhoff.
Codevilla’s term for oligarchy is ruling class, and Domhoff’s term is, Who Rules America. (Codevilla, Angelo, The Ruling Class, 2010, and Domhoff, William, Who Rules America? Power and Politics in the Year 2006).
We slightly disagree with Kimball that the correct term of the new American political system, after November 3, 2020, is oligarchy.
We believe that a more accurate term is kleptocracy, where the the ruling class elites constitute a distinct social class awareness of their power and privilege, represented by the type of Republicans who make up the Lincoln Project.
A kleptocracy rules by the application of repressive police force to compel obedience to the authority of the State. The application of police force is used to extract wealth from the mass of citizens to the benefit of the kleptocracy.
For example, Joe and Hunter Biden operate inside the jurisdiction of the kleptocracy to enrich themselves through embezzlement and graft.
The American kleptocracy that overthrew the government on the night of November 3, 2020, is much more extensive that just Biden, and the Marxist Democrats.
We argued elsewhere that the American kleptocracy looks and functions much like the Chinese kleptocracy. (Vass, Laurie Thomas, BLM Marxism and the Emerging Alliance With Global Corporate Crony Capitalism. CLP News Network, July 24, 2020. https://bit.ly/3o7tWtj).
The three main components of both the American global crony kleptocracy and the Chinese communist kleptocracy are:
• The global firms in the military-industrial complex.
• The global manufacturing industrial firms with a financial interest in obtaining foreign trade benefits, especially with China.
• The global banking and investment firms who coordinate global financial transactions in conjunction with global central banks.
The common characteristics of global cronyism, in both economies, and in all three of the national economic structures, is a preference for one-world collectivist globalism, as opposed to promotion of a sovereign national economic interest.
We agree with Kimball that 2016 was the last open, free, and fair election in America.
After the illegitimate transfer of power of January 20, 2021, Trump voters lost, forever, their right to vote, and the kleptocracy and Marxist Democrats will never again yield power to their opposition.
“Beginning with the election of 2020, the game was rigged.”
Kimball cites William M. Briggs, who notes that after November 3, 2020, that is how power in America works. Power is not the consent of the governed. Power is not the constitutional rule of law.
Briggs states that power in America is based upon the kleptocracy rigging and cheating the voters.
“If a party cheats, and is in charge of investigating accusations of cheating, and if the media calls the cheating a conspiracy theory, and if the rulers move to expel those who question the cheating, as has already happened, then that party will win by virtue of its power. That, is the way power works [in America].”
We agree with Christopher Roach, in his article, A MAGA Bay of Pigs, that after November 3, 2020, the entire point of Marxist politics in America is to ruthlessly enforce one-party rule, so that Trump voters will never again have the right to vote.
“The whole point of the bureaucracy and the [Democrat Marxist] party system is to prevent any popular, democratic movement that would threaten the ruling class’ privileges. [Trump voters] believed that s omehow if they were numerous and energetic enough, their efforts and their presence would have to change the results. This is not how things work.”
Politics beyond Trump means adopting a comprehensive strategy for confronting all parts of the Amercian kleptocracy.
The lessons that the Marxist Democrats taught is that re-definition of political terms to fit their ideology is an essential ingredient to their imposition of police repression.
They successfully redefined the term “democracy” to mean Marxist repression. Beyond Trump means adopting language that reinforces the image of American Marxists as enemies of freedom, in the same way that Marxists use the term to target their enemies.
The strategy of the language of the Marxists is to use language that is common to the history of judicial procedure to mean something entirely different, like the term “democratic.”
Roberto Unger calls this strategy the “deviationist doctrine,” which can involve transferring arguments and practices that are familiar and accepted in one context to a different context where they could produce dramatic change.
Unger uses the term “workplace democracy” as an example; the wide appeal of democratic norms and practices in politics are transferred to the workplace in hopes of implementing a communist society.
In their use of the term, workplace democracy means communism.
According to the Harvard’s policy manual on white privilege, the Bridge, the use of Unger’s transference strategy allows Marxist legal activists and Black racist judges, to use the judicial system to produce social change and social justice.
Peter D’Abrosca, in his article, Our Democracy™ explains how this strategy would work for the new liberty movement. The entire propaganda effort of the Marxist “Our Democracy” is to stigmatize 75 million Trump voters.
“The Marxist “Our democracy” propaganda is about labeling the 74.2 million Americans who voted for President Trump, and those who still stand with him as he leaves office, as an existential threat to this nation. Don’t support returning to the neoliberal status quo in Washington? Well, you’re a threat Our Democracy™, and we can’t have that.”
The Marxists are in the process of redefining the term “political opposition” to mean “political terrorist.” Their intent is to use the police power of the state to eliminate political opposition.
Politics beyond Trump clearly labels the Marxists as “political terrorist” enemies of freedom and confronts them any moment that they attempt to change the common meaning of language, like “Our Democracy” to promote repression.
In other words, in adopting Marxist strategy, politics beyond Trump means moving politics into the domain of perpetual class war between ordinary common citizens and the ruling class elites in the kleptocracy.
Section 2. The Politics of Class and Race Hatred.
The Marxist Democrats used race and class hate as a tool to promote the Marxist political coup of November 3, 2020. We adopt their race hatred as the correct strategy for the counter-revolution.
In all of the race riots and allegations of racism against Trump, the Republicans never challenged the Democrat version of American racism. The Democrats had a wide open ideological monopoly, joined by the kelptocracy, which promoted the concept that America was a racist nation.
The new politics of class confrontation, beyond Trump, changes that dynamic.
When Kamala Harris first learned of Smollett’s arrest, she said that the right-winger Trump supporters who attacked Jussie Smollett were engaged in a ‘modern day lynching.’
“This was an attempted modern day lynching. No one should have to fear for their life because of their sexuality or color of their skin. We must confront this hate.”
Unless, and until, natural rights conservatives confront the socialists, with exactly the same level of hate that they see us, the foundation of American liberty will be overthrown by a socialist, totalitarian dictatorship.
The left’s strategy of using hate conforms to Aristotle’s use of the term “corruption,” as eliminating opposition. In order to implement socialism, the Democrats use race and class hate to eliminate all political opposition.
We argue that hate was essential to the collapse Madison’s constitution and to the replacement of it with a totalitarian all-powerful government. We adopt the politics of race hate as a strategy to eliminate the Marxists.
From the socialist perspective, their hatred of conservatives is engendered by the Marxist ideology of class hatred between the capitalist class and the working class.
From the citizen patriot perspective, the Marxist ideology of capitalist class hatred is replaced by a hatred of the Marxist elites who destroyed liberty. In other words, in the new politics, it is class war between common citizens and the Marxist elite.
The goal of the new politics, beyond Trump, is the elimination of Marxists as political opposition.
In his article, Igniting Civil War, Angelo Codevilla, accurately predicted that the socialists would use class hatred racism to overthrow the representative republic.
“It all starts with getting people accustomed to hating each other. And that starts at the top. But when blood is spilled, then everyone else, tends to use it as a pretext for inciting more violence. That’s the meaning of blood-feud. We know that the spiral of political violence has already taken its first fateful turns, and that the logic of our partisan ruling class is pushing for more violence.”
Chauncey DeVega, in his Salon article, Yes, Trump will leave office — but his seditious secession movement isn’t going away, suggests that the civil war, after Trump leaves office, is necessary to purge racism from the nation.
“Today’s Republican Party is the country’s largest white supremacist and white identity organization. Donald Trump is its leader and champion. Despite all of the polite talk of how Trump’s and 74 million votes in the 2020 election are the result of “economic anxiety” or “status anxiety,” social scientists have repeatedly shown that racism, racial resentment and white supremacist views are the key determinants driving Donald Trump’s support…Their psychological, emotional and financial investment in white supremacy is too great to give up. To maintain it, Republicans and Trumpists are willing to risk destroying the nation. Their desperate allegiance to the lost cause of Donald Trump’s presidency is proof.”
We appreciate DeVega’s candid analysis of how Marxists view Trump voters, and recommend his analysis to 75 million Trump voters as a model of how Trump voters should view Marxists.
Paraphrasing DeVega’s hatred to fit into the new class war model,
“The Marxist psychological, emotional and financial investment in Marxism is too great to give up. To maintain it, Marxist Democrats are willing to destroying the nation. Their desperate allegiance to the lost cause of Marxism in overthrowing the republic is proof.”
Codevilla continues with his analysis that the ultimate outcome of the Marxist hate is the designation of Trump voters as insurrectionist enemies of the State.
According to the Marxist perspective,
“Trump’s and his voters’ racism and a host of other wrongdoing made them, personally, illegitimate. In any confrontation, the ruling class deemed these presumed white supremacists in the wrong, systemically. By 2018, the ruling class had effectively placed the “deplorables” outside the protection of the laws. By 2020, they could be fired for a trifle, set upon in the streets, prosecuted on suspicion of bad attitudes, and even for defending themselves. [After November 3, 2020], the Marxists redefined the people who do not show them due deference as “white supremacists,” “insurrectionists,” and Nazis—in short, as some kind of criminals—to exclude them from common platforms of communication, from the banking system…the several parts of America’s economic, cultural, and political establishment are waging this war, uncoordinated but well-nigh unanimously. The FBI and some elements I n the Army and the Justice Department have concluded that they (Trump voters) are somehow criminal, and that preparations should be made to treat them as such. The official position of the administration t aking power after the 2020 election is that domestic terrorism from legions of “white supremacists” is the primary threat facing America.”
In adopting the Marxist political strategy to apply to the Marxists, citizen patriots must see the Marxists as the primary threat to liberty, facing citizens of FUSA.
The unifying principle of all Marxist Democrats is that the entire American society is governed by “white supremacy,” and that the job of Black lawyers and jurists is to use the judicial system to implement their ideology of communism, in order to eradicate the existing ideology of American individualism.
The term “systemic” is used to mean that the white racism is a permanent institutional part of the American society, which existed before the country was organized.
Because the white racism is systemic, it cannot be eradicated by policy changes.
The only way for Marxist Democrats to rid the society of systemic white racism is to eliminate opposition, and start over, as a communist nation.
We cite the use of hate by Stacy Abrams in her refusal to accept the results of an election where Republican voters elected a Republican candidate.
According to Abrams, the results of the election were due to race hatred of whites against blacks.
“My election was made manifest because of his (Kemp’s) structural racism and how he diminished people’s ability to vote. The white population is still largely Republican, and the communities of color are largely Democratic-leaning. That means you have a divided politics. Voter suppression is endemic, and it’s having a corrosive effect. I feel comfortable now saying, “I won.”
Abrams admits that she has no evidence of voter suppression.
“I have no empirical evidence that I would have achieved a higher number of votes. However, I have sufficient and I think legally sufficient doubt about the process to say that it was not a fair election.”
The use of the term “structural racism” is the use of race hate to her socialist followers that America is a racist nation whose elections are rigged by the racists.
In the new politics of confrontation, the election in 2020 was rigged by the Marxists, and the Trump voters lost their rights without a shot being fired. That political dynamic in America is over, with the adoption by citizen patriots of the Marxist strategy to eliminate political opposition.
Black Marxist writer for The Atlantic, Ta-Nehisi Coates states that his end goal for America is based upon his assumption that communism is a better mode of social organization than individualism.
The BLM Handbook on White Supremacy, “me and white supremacy workbook,” explains that white racism is endemic to the functioning of America.
The BLM Handbook states,
“The legal abolition of slavery did not abolish the slavemaster’s mindset. People of colour are suffering daily from the effects of historic and modern colonialism. White supremacy is an ideology, a paradigm, an institutional system, and a world view that you have been born into by virtue of your whiteness. I am not talking about the physical colour of your skin being bad. I am talking about the historic and modern legislating, societal conditioning and systemic institutionalising of the construction of whiteness as inherently superior than people of other races.”
Their target is the eradication of individual rights.
The Harvard document on white supremacy cites the work of Peter Gabel and Jay Fineman, in Contract Law as Ideology, in The Politics of Law, (Basic Books: New York 1998).
In their Marxist legal view, American constitutional individual rights,
“conceals the coercive system of relationships with widespread unfairness in contemporary market-based societies. The system of rights renders invisible the persistent functional roles such as landlord, tenant, employer, and individual consumer of products produced by multinational conglomerates, that themselves reflect widely disparate degrees of economic and political power.”
The Harvard manual on white supremacy continues,
“Using the language of rights reinforces the individualistic ideology and claims of absolute power within individuals’ spheres of action that must be undermined if progressive social change is to become more possible. The language of rights perpetuates the misconception that legal argument is independent of political argument and social movements. Through rights language, those in power often grant strategic concessions of limits sets of rights to co-opt genuinely radical social movements. Progressives who use the language of rights thus lend support to the ideology they must oppose.”
Nicole Hannah-Jones, the author of the New York Times 1619 Project, goes a step beyond calling white people systemically racist. She reaches back in history to state that the American founding is no different than the Nazi philosophy of the Aryan race.
“Christopher Columbus is “no different” from Adolf Hitler and the “white race” as the true “savages” and “bloodsuckers.”
Eventually, Trump voters will tire of hearing themselves described as savages and bloodsuckers, and will realize the threat to their safety posed by the Marxists.
That slowly-dawning realization will usher in the new era of politics of middle class consciousness.
The emerging middle class consciousness sees Marxists with the same level of hatred as they see Trump voters and the end goal for Trump voters, beyond Trump, is the same as theirs.
New politics in America is not about electing Republicans, or rehabilitating Trump’s MAGA.
The new politics is about using race and class war against the Marxists to eliminate the Marxist Democrats as political opposition to individual liberty.
Section 3. Replicating the Democrat’s Effective Political Use of Violence.
In his review of Maxine Waters’ threat of assassination of Donald Trump, Kyle Olsen described how Waters boasted about killing Trump on her Twitter account.
Olsen noted that when Waters was speaking to a non-profit group, she promised them that she would “take out” Trump, and that the audience applauded enthusiastically.
Subsequent to her tweet, a second left-wing socialist extended and amplified Waters’ original tweet.
According to Paul Watson, of InfoWars, the second tweet calling for the assassination of Trump got 170,000 likes on Twitter.
The intent of the Democrat Party rhetoric of violence is to condition their followers that violence and assassination are an acceptable form of political behavior, when the end goal is the achievement of global socialism.
Video has captured Kamala Harris and Jussie, together, at a recent left-wing protest rally, waving their fists and screaming this chant.
“No justice. No peace.”
The left-wing chant constitutes a veiled threat to provoke violence if their concept of justice is not obtained.
In other words, when socialists do this chant, what they are saying is,
“If we do not get our form of justice, we are going to riot.”
Paul Cammack, in his review of Critical Theory and the Critique of Political Economy, (2016), explains how Marxists use the concept of violence as a political weapon.
He states that the capitalist system cannot be destroyed without the violent implementation of a repressive police state.
“In its role as market police, the state is fundamentally a security state, ever vigilant in its surveillance of society to secure the proper use of freedom, “policing” not only compliance with the rule of law but also the will for Marxism.”
In Marxism, there is good violence, that supports their agenda of repression, and there is bad violence that supports their idea that political protests of Trump voters are conducted by political enemies.
For example, the riots of 2020, were good violence because the rioters alleged that white supremacy fueled their rage. The propaganda of the violence is that white supremacy justifies violence, and that the idea of property destruction is justified as reparations for white supremacy.
Brian Leiter explains that the purpose of law in a Marxist regime is to impose the violence of ideology of Marxist correct behavior on the entire society.
In other words, the “good violence” is legally sanctioned Marxist violence.
He writes in his article, Marx, Law, Ideology, Legal Positivism, (2014),
“Marx’s idea is that law is part of the ideological superstructure of society. “Law” is the ideological method to correct the capitalist system.The laws in Marxian theory are designed to enforce:
• the laws that constitute the relations of production, i.e., the scheme of property,
• rights in communist production.
• the laws that are super structural and ideological to enforce communist behavior.
• the laws that characterize the legal relations of a non-class-based, i.e., a communist society.”
For Marxists, the concept of good violence is the use of violence against their enemies to allow the Marxist government to enforce obedience to the Marxist state.
The Rittenhouse episode is used as an example of how Marxists define “bad violence.”
In the National Review article, “Congressional Dems Label Wisconsin Shooter White Supremacist Without Evidence,” (August, 2020), Brittany Berstein quotes U. S. Representative Ayanna Pressley.
“Rittenhouse is a “white supremacist domestic terrorist.” The 17 year old white supremacist domestic terrorist drove across state lines, armed with an AR 15. He shot and killed 2 people who had assembled to affirm the value, dignity, and worth of Black lives.”
The article quotes Senator Chris Murphy (D., Conn.) who called Rittenhouse a “deranged white nationalist Trump supporter.”
Zack Beauchamp, a socialist writer for Vox, links the allegation of Rittenhouse’s guilt of white supremacy to the idea of “gun populism,” because Rittenhouse was carrying a gun.
He quotes Yale professor, Phillip Atiba Goff, of the Center for Policing Equity, who states,
“It’s hard to overstate how much more likely people are to be racist under these circumstances. When you put people under stress, they tend to make snap judgments rooted in their basic instincts. For police officers, raised in a racist society and socialized in a violent work atmosphere, that makes racist behavior all but inevitable.”
Amy Goodman, the producer of Democracy Now!, a media outlet funded by Soros, began her coverage of Rittenhouse with the obligatory connection between police racism and peaceful BLM protestors.
“The police shooting of Jacob Blake has sparked massive protests across the country [good violence] and in Kenosha, where a white teenager opened fire on Black Lives Matter protesters and killed two people.” [bad violence].
Goodman interviewed Democrat Wisconsin state Representative David Bowen, who had been attending the racial justice protests in Kenosha.
Bowen described the Rittenhouse prosecution by stating,
“That he “witnessed firsthand” how freely organized white supremacists targeted protesters without interference from law enforcement, and accuses police of giving Rittenhouse the “Dylann Roof treatment,” managing to arrest him without incident, while unarmed Black people are frequently met with deadly force. “This is Exhibit A and Exhibit B of why we need to transform law enforcement and public safety in Wisconsin and in this country…When you are not willing to call out police state, and state- sanctioned police violence, you’re using your silence to cosign and give a message to these white supremacists that they can go around attacking people.”
Leonard Pitts, writing in the Miami Herald, describes the bad violence of the Rittenhouse events this way,
“Try to conceive of an armed 17-year-old black boy being treated with similar deference. Or even an unarmed one, like Trayvon Martin. Take it as an inducement to reconsider how we construct our narratives of innocence — and guilt. Or not. ..Someone, for some reason, fires a gun. Rittenhouse is seen running across a parking lot, chased by a shirtless man, whom he apparently shoots.”
Black Entertainment Tonight titles its coverage of Rittenhouse as,
“Kyle Rittenhouse: 7 Things To Know About 17-Year-Old White Supremacist Who Killed Two Jacob Blake Protestors.”
Of the 7 things BET staff cites about Rittenhouse, 2 of them concern Rittenhouse’s support of Trump and his support of the police. Their logic of violence is to equate Trump supporters as violent insurrectionists.
BET staff write,
“A video from one of his two TikTok accounts shows that Rittenhouse sat front row of an Iowa Trump rally on Jan. 30, the Chicago Tribune reports…Photos on social media show the 17-year-old in full uniform with a badge, arm patch and trooper-style campaign hat. WBEZ says that Rittenhouse was a part of public Safety Cadet programs from Grayslake, Lindenhurst, and Hainesville all show pictures of Rittenhouse participating in activities.”
We cite the criminal acts of destroying historical monuments into the larger historical context of the Democrat’s effective use of violence to obtain their goal of a one-party political regime.
James Leloudis, a socialist professor of history at UNC, provides a socialist interpretation about the violence of destroying Silent Sam to make his point about how racism in America justifies Marxist violence.
“The “moral truth” of white supremacy, venerated by the UDC and other keepers of Confederate memory, was a lie that produced ruthless brutality. It inspired the acts of terror that were the Klan’s answer to black emancipation; it gave legitimacy to murderous white supremacy campaigns, including the Wilmington riot and coup in 1898; and from the 1880s through the 1960s, it aroused the anger of white vigilantes who, in acts of true mob violence, lynched thousands of black men and women.”
“In every instance, the [Democrat] perpetrators justified their crimes in the name of law and order.”
The logic of Leloudis’ argument is that racism and white supremacy justifies the Democrat’s violence of removing Silent Sam. In the current application, the Marxists use the rhetoric of white domestic terrorists to justify the use of violence against Trump voters to maintain “law and order.”
We argue that there is an unbroken historical continuity, from 1898 to 2019, in the violence of the Democrat Party, using the cover of “white supremacy” as the justification of the violence to obtain political goals.
In the era of Julian Carr, the Democrats used the war cry “Negro Rule,” to erect the racial apartheid system that lasted 80 years. The violence of the Democrats created a one-party, totalitarian white supremacist society, in North Carolina.
In the modern era, the Democrat Party uses the war cry, “white supremacy,” to justify their acts of violence to eliminate opposition. In their telling of history, the Republicans are a racist party, and Trump is a white supremacist.
Our main conclusion is that violence works as an effective tactic for Democrats, and that the destruction of Silent Sam was a huge political success for North Carolina Democrats.
The Democrat’s goal is to use violence to create a totalitarian society, where only politically correct socialist ideas are allowed, under the penalty of death.
The socialists intend to use good violence because the chaos and turmoil facilitates their transformation of America into a global socialist state.
We cite the historical example of Kristallnacht, the night the Nazi mobs realized that there were no laws stopping them from killing Jews. After Kristallnacht, the march to Hitler’s fascism in Germany was irreversible.
After the illegitimate transfer of power to Biden, the American Marxists realize there are no legal consequences for their violence against conservatives.
Portland was America’s Kristallnacht.
Conservative patriots must learn the moral imperative that the Marxists must be treated exactly as socialists treat them.
Politics, beyond Trump, means adopting the Marxist logic that there is “good” violence, and “bad” violence, in the pursuit of the goals of liberty.
Conclusion: The Spirit of Liberty.
David Horowitz, in his article, For the first time in our lives, free speech is about to be criminalized, writes about the end of freedom in America.
“We never thought this day would arrive in America. Last year, we learned that they can shout “COVID” as an emergency, and our life, liberty, and property disappear. They can shout “racism,” and our inalienable right to self-defense disappears. The last thing we had was the freedom to criticize what is happening, even if there was nothing we can do about it. Now they can shout “right-wing terrorism” or “right-wing conspiracy” and say that freedom of speech no longer applies.”
We conclude that the day of repression has come to the Former United States of America. A new type of politics is required to confront the Marxist totalitarian regime.
People who love liberty must come to grips with the new reality that the ruling class has destroyed the Nation, and that there is nothing of value left remaining in the smoldering ruins of the Constitution.
The written Constitution of the former United States has been replaced by an unwritten, corrupt, centralized tyranny that is entirely disconnected from the consent of the governed, and operates outside of, and beyond, the justice system.
As early as September, 2016, Codevilla was predicting that the Republic was over. In his article, After the Republic, Codevilla notes that,
“Regardless of the election’s outcome, (2016), the republic established by the founders is gone.”
“In today’s America, a network of executive, judicial, bureaucratic, and social kinship channels bypasses the sovereignty of citizens. Our imperial regime, already in force, works on a simple principle: the president and the cronies who populate these channels may do whatever they like so long as the bureaucracy obeys and one third plus one of the Senate protects him from impeachment.”
Subsequently, in March 2020, Codevilla correctly noted that the Covid public relations panic, unleashed by agents of the global deep state, was successful in damaging the American small business sector of the economy, but not the third component of the kleptocracy, the crony capitalist global sector.
“Big businesses, like big government, will be largely unaffected by the Covid lockdown. But for much of the rest of Americans, the shutdown is sure to be a disaster that no one has begun to think about undoing…At best, if those who suffer receive from the government as much money as they lost from forgone labor, they will merely have traded independence for dependence. Few will be happy about that— except those in charge of managing the dependence.”
We conclude that politics beyond Trump means accepting the reality that Madison’s constitution contained fatal flaws that cannot be overcome. Madison’s flaws were that he feared the people, in their capacity as citizens in a democratic republic.
Madison insulated the framework of the representative republic from the citizens, and after the Marxists gained illegitimate authority, the citizens have no method of regaining their rights from the centralized tyranny.
In his review of Hamilton’s Federalist Papers, Richard Bernstein posed the basic political flaw of Madison and Hamilton:
“Was it dangerous in a democratic government, to have important officers insulated from control by the people, or was it necessary to accept that risk in order to protect fundamental rights from infringement by popular passions or political intrigue?”
As Sean Wilentz wrote, in The Rise of American Democracy, in Madison’s constitution,
“The people had no formal voice of their own in government. And, that was exactly how it was supposed to be — for once the electors had chosen their representatives, they ceded power, reserving none for themselves until the next election…The people, as a political entity, existed only on election day.”
After November 3, 2020, the people, as a political entity, ceased to exist because their votes were stolen by the Marxist Democrats.
Madison’s constitution does not have rules, within the constitutional contract, for the Trump voters to regain their right to vote.
Rehabilitating Madison’s flawed document is not an option because of the totalitarian, repressive, power of the Marxists who usurped legitimate authority.
Politics beyond Trump means accepting the bleak reality that getting their rights back from the Marxists means class war with the Democrats.
The end goal of the new politics is to deploy Marxist class war to vanquish the Marxists, and to restore the original Spirit of Liberty of 1776.
I am Laurie Thomas Vass, and this podcast is a copyrighted production of the CLP News Network
Our constitutional principles of government are on our Democratic Republic of America website.