Episode 53. July 13, 2020

CLP Topic. Democrat Party Socialism

The Right to Work Constitutional Amendment to Reign In North Carolina’s Rogue Lockdown Governor.

Introduction.

Our podcast today is titled The Right to Work Constitutional Amendment to Reign In North Carolina’s Rogue Lockdown Governor and we re-examine North Carolina’s history of tyrannical governors, to gain insight into the lessons of history about how common citizens deal with rogue governors.

The most important lesson is that when the normal legislative channels do not work, and rogue governors ignore the rule of law, common citizens must take matters into their own hands to protect their liberties.

We argue that the citizens must enact a constitutional amendment to clarify the rights of citizens during any future emergency declarations by rogue governors, who may use the emergency powers for political purposes.

We argue that modifying, or amending, the defective Emergency Management Act is insufficient protection of citizen rights.

North Carolina has a vast, overwhelming population of common, working class citizens, and a tiny percentage of social class elites, compared to other states.

North Carolina is unique among the states because of its cultural traditions of radical egalitarianism among common citizens. The cultural value is captured by the phrase “We are as good as anyone. And, anyone is as good as us.”

Part of our cultural heritage is that common citizens applied this egalitarian philosophy to social class aristocrats and royal governors in demanding equal and fair treatment on economic exchange issues.

The rogue governors, then, and now, never appreciated being equated with common citizens, and used violence and fraud to subjugate Black and White common citizens to the elite tyranny.

Part of our egalitarian heritage is derived from the historical fact that North Carolina was initially settled by settlers who were lower class migrants from other states, primarily Virginia. The felons and poor people came to North Carolina to escape elite class tyranny in other states.

For many years, the state’s own historians liked to use the phrase “a sea of humility between two mountains of conceit,” to contrast the common class of citizens in North Carolina with the slaveocracy of Virginia and South Carolina.

On a per capita comparison, North Carolina had many more common farmers and far fewer slave owners than either Virginia or South Carolina.

One of our most honored and highest praise that we can bestow on a citizen is to call the citizen a “yeoman” derived from the tradition of our mountain independent, hard-working farmers.

In general, as a people, we are very slow to anger, and very slow to adopt social change to the status quo. But, when we finally reach our limit of toleration, as a people, we are tenacious in defending out social values.

For many years, historians from outside of North Carolina called the state “the Rip Van Winkle” state because the citizens seemed to slumber through the crises that affected other states.

The Encyclopedia of North Carolina noted,

“There was general political apathy under the state’s Democrat- controlled one-party system, which resulted in widespread indifference to all economic, social, and cultural improvements. A letter writer to the North Carolina Farmer in 1845 voiced his frustration: “O! that our State, . . . would wake up from her Rip Van Winkle agricultural sleep!!”

We were the only state, in 1788, that refused, on a matter of principle, to ratify Madison’s new centralized Constitution, until it contained a citizen’s Bill of Rights.

For 3 years after the refusal to ratify, the Federalists inflicted serious economic damage on the citizens, in an attempt to coerce North Carolina into ratifying the defective document.

The citizens of North Carolina were extremely reluctant to join the Confederacy, but once committed to battle, the State sent more soldiers to the Confederacy than any other state, suffered more casualties and death than any other state, and had more soldiers skedaddle, from the Army, than any other state.

Our proud heritage of tenacity in the face of overwhelming odds is captured in the phrase from the Civil War:

First at Bethel. Farthest at Gettysburg. Last at Appomatox.

Robert E. Lee admired the fighting spirit of the North Carolina soldiers by saying that they stuck to the front lines of battle and fought like they had tar on ‘dem’ heels.

North Carolina citizens liked Lee’s description of common Confederate soldiers so much that they nicknamed the UNC athletic teams “The Tar Heels.”

Silent Sam, the statute torn down by socialists, on the campus of the University of North Carolina, was a tribute to the courage of the common soldier, not to the slaveocracy of plantation owners.

The common citizen soldiers of the Confederacy were acutely aware of their economic class differences between themselves and the slave-owners. One of their favorite sayings was that the War “Was a rich man’s war, and a poor man’s fight.”

Unlike the plantation elite rendition, after the War as “the lost cause,” the common soldiers said that they were fighting for “a southern commonwealth of independent producers.”

Later history, as in the fusion politics of 1890s, confirms that the purpose of the War, for common citizens, would have been to create a southern commonwealth of independent producers which was multiracial and egalitarian.

An example of how common North Carolinians citizens have dealt with tyranny, after the War, is provided by the example set by Leonidas Lafayette Polk, the State’s first Commissioner of Agriculture, the founder of N. C. State University, and the leader of the North Carolina farmer’s agrarian populist party, whose political motto was,

“equal rights for all. special privilege for none.”

Polk confronted the neo-slaveocracy of one-party rule of the Democrats by creating a third political party, which successfully won the campaign for Governor in 1896.

The Encyclopedia of NC noted,

“thousands of desperate farmers abandoned the Democrats, who called themselves “the white man’s party,” for the Populists, who claimed to be the poor man’s party. The Democrat (white mans’s) Party had abolished the right to vote in local self-governments in a number of counties having Republican majorities. Local officials in these counties had been appointed by the Democratic majority in the legislature.”

The Encyclopedia could have been more accurate by noting that fusion was a political coalition between common white farmers, and common Black citizens, that “fused” together to elect Republican Governor Russell, in 1896.

We argue that this history of fusion would have been the desired outcome of the War for common citizens, but not for the slave-owners. The Democrat slave-owners organized a violent revolt to kill the populist insurgency, including the use of gatling guns and howitzers to kill unnamed Blacks in Wilmington, in 1898.

After the Democrat white man’s party coup d’etat of the overthrow of the Republican Wilmington town council, in 1898, North Carolina endured 70 years of one-party tyrannical apartheid of white man Democrat governors.

As Josephus Daniels, the owner of the Raleigh News and Observer, put it, in 1899,

“North Carolina is a WHITE MAN’S STATE and WHITE MEN will rule it, and they will crush the party of Negro domination (Polk’s Populist Party) beneath a majority so overwhelming that no other party will ever dare to attempt to establish negro rule here.”

One hundred years before the agrarian populism of Polk, North Carolina’s farmers formed a resistance movement to tyrannical royal governors, who had been appointed by the King’s Privy Council.

Known as the Regulator Movement, 6,000 farmers joined forces in an armed revolt against royal officials, who were engaged in corruption and fraud, by charging the farmers with excessive fees, falsifying records, and engaging in other mistreatments.

The farmer’s called themselves “regulators” because they wanted to regulate their own affairs, free from centralized tyranny.

According to the Encyclopedia of North Carolina,

“A new governor, William Tryon, arrived in 1765; he was a British army colonel and became the cause of renewed unrest, The Regulators sought a public meeting with colonial officials to discover “whether the free men of this county labor under any abuses of power or not.” In March 1771, the governor’s privy council advised Tryon to call out the militia and march against the rebel farmers.”

One lesson from that episode comes from Tryon’s seeking advice from his privy council, modeled after the King’s Privy Council, in London. The historical genesis of the Governor’s Privy Council is derived from John Locke’s first constitution of North Carolina, in 1669.

The legacy of the rogue governors caused the common citizens to distribute executive power in the hands of many other elected representatives.

From that point forward, all of North Carolina’s Constitutions have included a provision for the governor to seek advice from the privy council, renamed to the North Carolina Council of State.

The most recent version of the North Carolina Constitution, adopted in 1971, states,

“Sec. 8. Council of State. The Council of State shall consist of the officers whose offices are established by this Article.”

The “other officers” mentioned in Section 8, are the ten independently state-wide, elected executive officers, who share co-equal executive powers with the Governor.

And, it is to this provision that citizens must now turn for insight into how to deal with Governor Cooper’s rogue Covid lockdown tyranny. (Tyranny Slips Quietly Into the Tar Heel State, Laurie Thomas Vass, The CLP News Network, March 29, 2020.)

I am Laurie Thomas Vass, and this is the Introduction of a much longer copyrighted article of the Citizen Liberty Party News Network, for July 13, 2020.

The other sections of the longer article include:

Section 1. Governor Cooper’s Illegal and Unconstitutional Covid Lockdown Edicts.

Section 2. The Inadequacy of Reforming the Defective General Statute 166A.

Section 3. The Constitutional Amendment Imperative to Protect Citizen’s Right to Work.

Our podcast today is under the CLP topic category Democrat Party Socialism, and is titled, The Right to Work Constitutional Amendment to Reign In North Carolina’s Rogue Lockdown Governor.

The most recent podcast of the CLP News Network is available for free. The entire text and audio archive of our podcasts are available for subscription of $30 per year, at the CLP News Network.com.

Section 1. Governor Cooper’s Illegal and Unconstitutional Covid Lockdown Edicts.

Cooper is one of ten elected executive officers of the State, and he was required to seek the authorization of the Council of State, in invoking his first Emergency Order.

General Statute 166A states,

“During a gubernatorially or legislatively declared state of emergency, with the concurrence of the Council of State, the Governor has the following powers:”

On March 17, 2020, prior to the issuance of Executive Order No. 118, Cooper requested concurrence from the other members of the Council. He sent the members of the Council of State this request for concurrence:

“Dear Members of the Council of State, Governor Cooper is requesting your concurrence on two items to limit human suffering and limit the spread of COVID-19 cases in North Carolina. The Governor respectfully requests your concurrence on these matters by 1:15 p.m. on March 17, 2020.”

A majority of the Council of State voted to not concur in the rogue governor’s request.

Despite failing to receive the concurrence of the Council of State, the rogue governor still issued Executive Order No. 118, including section 1, exercising the very authority that was prohibited by the Council of State’s vote.

In other words, Cooper knowingly, intentionally, and willfully broke the law with his first executive order.

In his second instance of breaking the law, Cooper knowingly violated the provisions of G.S. 130A, regarding his lockdown edict.

N.C. Gen. Stat. § 130A-145(d) provides in part

“The official who exercises the quarantine or isolation authority shall give the persons known by the official to be substantially affected by the limitation reasonable notice under the circumstances of the right to institute an action to review the limitation.”

Cooper’s lockdown edict did not contain the required right of action for an individual, because his action was aimed at the collective population, not a single individual.

Cooper’s third willful violation of the law is the unlimited duration, and arbitrary extension of time, for the lockdown.

N.C. Gen. Stat. § 130A-145(d) provides that quarantine or isolation limits that restrict the freedom of movement or access of a person “shall not exceed 30 calendar days.”

Cooper was required to seek a court order to extend the limitation of movement beyond 30 days, in every county affected by the lockdown.

N.C. Gen. Stat. § 130A-145 provides,

“[i]f the State Health Director,( not the Governor) determines that a 30-calendar-day limitation on freedom of movement or access is not adequate to protect the public health, the State Health Director . . . must institute in superior court in the county in which the limitation is imposed an action to obtain an order extending the period of limitation of freedom of movement or access.”

Cooper’s fourth illegal act is the extra-constitutional determination of an “essential and non-essential” business. Nothing in the N. C. Constitution or G. S. 166A grants the governor authority to make this type of decision.

Cooper’s first order states,

“In light of the above considerations, non-essential business and operations must cease. All businesses and operations in the State, except COVID-19 Essential Businesses and Operations as defined below, are required to cease all activities within the State except Minimum Basic Operations, as defined below.”

Cooper’s order violates the N. C. Constitution Sec. 19. Law of the land; equal protection of the laws, which states,

“No person shall be taken, imprisoned, or disseized of his freehold, liberties, or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any manner deprived of his life, liberty, or property, but by the law of the land. No person shall be denied the equal protection of the laws; nor shall any person be subjected to discrimination by the State because of race, color, religion, or national origin.”

Cooper was required by the legislation to provide statistical and empirical evidence of an emergency, and he failed to do so. The legislation states,

“G. S. 166-A requires Making of such studies and surveys of the resources in this State as may be necessary to ascertain the capabilities of the State for emergency management, maintaining data on these resources, and planning for the most efficient use thereof.”

Cooper justified his Order by claiming that North Carolina does not have enough hospital beds to deal with the massive influx of potentially sick citizens.

Cooper and his Health Secretary cite the pressure from two Democrat political activist groups as part of the justification for the state-wide lockdown.

His Order states,

“Whereas hospital administrators and health care providers have expressed concerns that unless the spread of COVID-19 is limited, existing health care facilities may be insuffiecient to care for those who become sick.”

An expression of concern by Democrat activists is not a scientific statement of fact, and the two Democrat activist groups, the North Carolina Medical Society, the North Carolina Healthcare Association, are not credible sources to provide evidence of a potential emergency.

Cooper’s initial declaration relied on anecdotal news reports and a fake virus model, prepared and perpetrated by COVID Act Now, a Democrat activist group based in California.

According to an investigation of Covid Act Now, by the Federalist, titled “Inaccurate Virus Models Are Panicking Officials Into Ill-Advised Lockdowns,” the leaders of Covid Act now are,

“Founders of the site include Democratic Rep. Jonathan Kreiss- Tomkins and three Silicon Valley tech workers and Democratic activists — Zachary Rosen, Max Henderson, and Igor Kofman — who are all also donors to various Democratic campaigns and political organizations since 2016. Henderson and Kofman donated to the Hillary Clinton campaign in 2016, while Rosen donated to the Democratic National Committee, recently resigned Democratic Rep. Katie Hill, and other Democratic candidates. Prior to building the COVID Act Now website, Kofman created an online game designed to raise $1 million for the eventual 2020 Democratic candidate and defeat President Trump. The game’s website is now defunct.”

The Federalist investigation documents the close collaboration between media outlets and Covid Act Now to create a public panic over Covid-19, which the rogue governor relies upon to keep his illegal acts operative.

At his press conference on March 27, 2020, Cooper’s Health Secretary, Mindy Cooper said,

“I’ve heard from many hospitals, physicians and other clinicians concerned about that surge in demand and how it could overwhelm them and cause suffering and harm. Both the North Carolina Medical Society, the North Carolina Healthcare Association, which represents doctors and hospitals across the state, have warned about potential shortages of supplies and equipment and hospital beds.”

Cooper’s Health Secretary raises the threat of tyranny in the use of the police power to arrest citizens who do not follow the Order. She states,

“If people continually and flagrantly violate this order, then law enforcement and local district attorneys have the discretion under the law to charge that person and prosecute that person. We hope it doesn’t come to that,”

She continues,

“We do not have the luxury of time. We must act quickly based on what we do know to slow the spread of the virus. If we do not act preemptively to slow the virus right now, many people will get sick at the same time, which could overwhelm our medical system and compromise their ability to provide care.”

Cooper’s second order, on May 22, 2020, cites, for his authority, the continuing illegal authority of his first order. His second emergency order states,

“WHEREAS, pursuant to N.C. Gen. Stat.§ 166A-l 9.10(b)(2), the undersigned may make, amend, or rescind necessary orders, rules, and regulations within the limits of the authority conferred upon the Governor in the Emergency Management Act;

All of the emergency powers cited by Cooper in his subsequent orders are illegal and unconstitutional because, in each case, the rogue governor failed to obtain the consent of the Council of State, in his first lockdown edict.

Related to his Covid response, the rogue governor removed Confederate statues from the Capital grounds, again in contradiction to the provisions of seeking the consent of the Council of State for any modification to state government lands and property.

In addition to violating the provisions related to the Council of State, his removal of the statutes is an illegal act under a North Carolina law, adopted in 2015 and codified as North Carolina General Statute 100-2.1.

The law, titled, “Protection of monuments, memorials, and works of art,” requires that objects of remembrance on public property cannot be removed or relocated without the approval and consent of the North Carolina Historical Commission.

Cooper is a rogue governor who does not obey the rule of law. As a rogue governor, he failed to obtain the Council of State authorization, both in his first order, and in his subsequent modifications of his order, including his unconstitutional “face mask order.”

He acts in a unilateral, authoritarian manner, and his actions must be reined in by the people.

Section 2. The Inadequacy of Reforming the Defective General Statute 166A.

The poorly-written Emergency Management Act needs amendments, but those legislative modifications are inadequate to protect the rights of citizens from the actions of a future rogue governor.

Only a constitutional amendment can do that job.

General Statute 166A, the Emergency Management Act, is so poorly written that Governor Cooper did not need to cite any evidence to justify his first Declaration of Emergency.

And, he is in total authority and control when to end the emergency declaration. The legislation states,

166A-19.20. Gubernatorial or legislative declaration of state of emergency.

(a) Declaration. – A state of emergency may be declared by the Governor or by a resolution of the General Assembly, if either of these finds that an emergency exists.

(b) Emergency Area. – An executive order or resolution declaring a state of emergency shall include a definition of the area constituting the emergency area.

(c) Expiration of States of Emergency. – A state of emergency declared pursuant to this section shall expire when it is rescinded by the authority that issued it.

During the General Assembly Session of 2020, The North Carolina Legislature made multiple attempts to modify and correct the defects in the Emergency Management Act, and in each case, the rogue governor vetoed the legislation.

In Senate Bill 599,Open Skating Rinks/Bowling Alleys, the legislature adopted the following provisions:

Requires the Governor to contact each member of the Council of State and document that member’s concurrence, nonconcurrence, or no response. Allows the authorization to be exercised by the Governor notwithstanding the limitations on exercising emergency powers related to skating rinks and bowling alleys provided for in Section 1 of the bill. SECTION 3.Notwithstanding Section 1 of this act, the Governor may, with a concurrence of the majority of the Council of State, exercise powers granted under G.S.166A-19.30(b) or (c) related to skating rinks and bowling alleys. In obtaining a concurrence of a majority of the Council of State for this purpose, the Governor shall contact each member of the Council of State regarding the potential exercise of the emergency powers under G.S.166A-19.30(b)or (c) and seek the concurrence or nonconcurrence of that member. The Governor shall document and release the concurrence, nonconcurrence, or no response provided by each member of the Council of State by name.

Cooper vetoed the act on July 2, 2020. He stated,

“Tying the hands of public health and executive branch officials in times of pandemic is dangerous, especially when case counts and hospitalizations are rising at a concerning rate. As we see in other states with surging COVID-19 case counts, state and local officials must be able to take swift action during this emergency to prevent a surge of patients from overwhelming hospitals and endangering the lives of North Carolinians.”

Subsequent to his veto, Superior Court Judge James Gale issued a temporary restraining order allowing N.C. bowling alleys to reopen. Cooper gave notice of appeal of Gale’s decision.

House Bill 806. Open Exercise & Fitness Facilities, title, AN ACT TO AUTHORIZE INDOOR OR OUTDOOR EXERCISE AND FITNESS FACILITIES, GYMS, HEALTH CL UBS, AND FITNESS CENTERS TO RESUME OPERATIONS, was vetoed by Cooper on July 2, 2020.

Cooper stated,

“Tying the hands of public health officials in times of pandemic is dangerous, especially when case counts and hospitalizations are rising. State and local officials must be able to take swift action during the COVID-19 emergency to prevent a surge of patients from overwhelming hospitals and endangering the lives of North Carolinians. The bill could restrict leaders who need to respond quickly to outbreaks and protect public health and safety.”

House Bill 686. AN ACT TO PROTECT THE RIGHT TO CELEBRATE THE FOURTH OF JULY, IN COMMEMORATION OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES.”

The Governor vetoed the act on July 2, 2020. Cooper stated,

Senate Bill 105. Clarify Emergency Powers. AN ACT TO CLARIFY THE EXPIRATION OF A STATE OF EMERGENCY AND THE EXERCISE OF CERTAIN POWERS UNDER A STATE OF EMERGENCY AND TO CLARIFY THE ABATEMENT OF STATEWIDE IMMINENT HAZARDS.”

Senate Bill 105 contained the following provisions:

The General Assembly of North Carolina enacts:

SECTION 1.G.S.166A-19.3 is amended by adding two new subdivisions to read:”(2d)Concurrence of the Council of State. –The consensus, within 48 hours of contact,ofa majority of the Council of State prior to the Governor exercising a power or authority requiring a concurrence of the Council of State.The Governor shall documentthe contact and response of each Council of State member andshallrelease the concurrence, nonconcurrence, or no response provided by each member by nameand position. If consensus is achieved, the release of information by the Governorshall beprior to, or simultaneously with, exercising the stated authority….(2m)Council of State. –The Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, Auditor, Treasurer, Superintendent of Public Instruction, Attorney General, Commissioner of Agriculture, Commissioner of Labor, Commissioner of Insurance, or any interim officer or acting officer appointed in accordance with Article III, Section 7 of the State Constitution.

Expiration of States of Emergency. –A state of emergency declared pursuant to this section shall expire as follows:(1)If the emergency area is not statewide, when it is rescinded by the authority that issued it.(2)If the emergency area is a statewide emergency area, 48 hours after issuance without a concurrence of the Council of State. With the concurrence of the Council of State, the declaration of emergency may be extended for 30 days at a time.

The Governor vetoed the act on July 2, 2020. His veto statement contained the following logic:

“The Emergency Management Act clearly provides the Governor with statutory authority to direct the state’s response to a public health emergency that could affect the entire state’s population. A devastating pandemic, like COVID-19, threatens the state’s people and warrants providing the state’s chief executive have the authority to manage the state’s response by placing prohibitions and restrictions on activities that threaten public health and safety. The legislators who foresaw such challenges were right to vest that authority with the Governor, so that government can respond quickly and on a statewide basis to emergencies as they evolve. Placing additional bureaucratic and administrative obligations on the declaration of a state of emergency is a substantial change in the law, frustrates executive branch officials’ ability to quickly and efficiently respond to such an emergency by requiring the concurrence of officials with limited involvement in managing the response, and would risk diverting focus from responding to such an emergency.”

In each executive order, and in all of his vetos, Cooper has abused his constitutional authority, and in doing so, has abused the natural rights of citizens.

His string of vetoes overrides the consent of a majority of citizens in North Carolina.

The natural rights of citizens cannot be protected by changes to the law, when a rogue governor refuses to be bound by the voluntary allegiance to the rule of law.

Section 3. The Constitutional Amendment Imperative to Protect Citizen’s Right to Work.

One of the Constitutional natural rights of North Carolina citizens that Cooper has abused is Section 19. Law of the land; equal protection of the laws, in the Constitution, which states:

No person shall be taken, imprisoned, or disseized of his freehold, liberties, or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any manner deprived of his life, liberty, or property, but by the law of the land. No person shall be denied the equal protection of the laws; nor shall any person be subjected to discrimination by the State because of race, color, religion, or national origin.

The most important lesson of history is that when the normal legislative channels do not work, and rogue governors ignore the rule of law, common citizens must take matters into their own hands to protect their liberties.

Citizens cannot rely on either the North Carolina Supreme Court to reign in the rogue governor, or the General Assembly to modify the Emergency Management Act.

We argue that Cooper is engaged in an illegal Democrat Party political conspiracy to use the Covid public relation panic to deny common citizens the right to work. In each of his executive orders and in each of his vetoes, he does not cite scientific or legal logic to defend his arbitrary and capricious political acts.

And he is willing to do anything, including destroying the citizen’s right to earn a living, if Cooper thinks that the action may damage Trump.

Citizens must take matters into their own hands to prevent a rogue governor from ever again subjugating their natural rights to blind partisan hatred.

The right to work, and make a living, has long been an established part of North Carolina common law. Cooper’s blind hatred of Trump has denied citizens this right.

North Carolina’s right to work policy is established in CHAPTER 95. ARTICLE 10. 95-78. Declaration of public policy.

“The right to live includes the right to work. The exercise of the right to work must be protected and maintained free from undue restraints and coercion… (and from) any illegal combination or conspiracy in restraint of trade or commerce in the State of North Carolina. (Enacted March 18, 1947.)”

We argue that citizens be granted the right to vote on a constitutional amendment that would add Section 39 to Article I of the North Carolina Constitution.

The following text would be added:

Sec. 39. Right to Work and Freedom of Movement.

The right to live includes the right to work. The exercise of the right to work and freedom of movement must be protected and maintained free from undue restraints and coercion by elected representatives or agencies of government.
It is hereby declared to be the public policy of North Carolina that the right of persons to work shall not be denied or abridged by any legislative or executive action, including any executive orders by the Governor.
It is hereby declared to be the public policy of North Carolina that the right of persons to freely move about and not be quarantined or subject ot isolation shall not be abridged or denied by any legislative or executive action, including any executive orders by the Governor.

The proposed amendment would require an act of the General Assembly to place the amendment on the ballot. The proposed act would state:

GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF NORTH CAROLINA IN SESSION.

AN ACT TO AMEND THE NORTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION TO PROTECT THE RIGHT TO WORK AND FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT.

General Assembly of North Carolina enacts:

SECTION 1. ARTICLE I. DECLARATION OF RIGHTS of the Constitution of North Carolina is amended by adding a new Section 39 Right to Work and Freedom of Movement.

The right to live includes the right to work. The exercise of the right to work and freedom of movement must be protected and maintained free from undue restraints and coercion by elected representatives or agencies of government.
It is hereby declared to be the public policy of North Carolina that the right of persons to work shall not be denied or abridged by any legislative or executive action, including any executive orders by the Governor.
It is hereby declared to be the public policy of North Carolina that the right of persons to freely move about and not be quarantined or subject ot isolation shall not be abridged or denied by any legislative or executive action, including any executive orders by the Governor.

SECTION 2.The amendment set out in Sections 1of this Act shall be submitted to the qualified voters of the State at a statewide general election.which election shall be conducted under the laws then governing elections in the State. Ballots, voting systems, or both may be used in accordance with Chapter 163A of the General Statutes. The question to be used in the voting systems and ballots shall be:

[ ] FOR AN ACT TO AMEND THE NORTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION TO PROTECT THE RIGHT TO WORK AND FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT.

[ ] AGAINST AN ACT TO AMEND THE NORTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION TO PROTECT THE RIGHT TO WORK AND FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT.

If a majority of votes cast on the question are in favor of the amendment set out in Section 1 of this act, the Bipartisan State Board of Elections and Ethics Enforcement shall certify the amendment to the Secretary of State.

The Secretary of State shall enroll the amendment so certified among the permanent records of that office.

SECTION 3.The amendments set out in Sections 1 and 2 of this act are effective upon certification.

North Carolina has a vast, overwhelming population of common, working class citizens, who clash with a tiny percentage of social class elites over fundamental natural rights of citizens.

In the case of the rogue Governor, the clash involves a fundamental irreconcilable cultural value over individual rights, and collective rights.

Governor Cooper is a Democrat socialist, using the Covid public relations panic as a scam to deny citizens their fundamental rights, in favor of collective authority, that he states is warranted because,

“A devastating pandemic, like COVID-19, threatens the state’s people and warrants providing the state’s chief executive have the authority to manage the state’s response by placing prohibitions and restrictions on activities that threaten public health and safety.”

If Governor Cooper governed over a socialist dictatorship, his statement of unlimited authority would be valid.

However, Governor Cooper governs over a representative republic, which saw fit to distribute the powers of the Executive Branch, to nine other independently elected officers, called the Council of State.

He governs under the consent and authority of these other Executives, and he violates both the letter of the law and the spirit of voluntary obedience to the rule of law.

Governor Cooper is a tyrant, and a rogue governor, and he must be reined in by an act of the common citizens.

Xxx

I am Laurie Thomas Vass, and this podcast is a copyrighted production of the CLP News Network

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Episode 53. July 13, 2020 CLP Topic. Democrat Party Socialism The Right to Work Constitutional Amendment to Reign In North Carolina’s Rogue Lockdown Governor.

Episode 53. July 13, 2020